社會觀察 . 獨立評論 . 多元觀點 . 公共書寫 . 世代翻轉

  • Home
  • English
  • 評論
  • 民意
  • 時事
  • 生活
  • 國際
  • 歷史
  • 世代
  • 轉載
  • 投稿須知

Can Taiwan Handle a Trump-like Tycoon as President?

  • English Article
  • 時事
  • 民意

It’s true that Gou is still an unknown political entity, and – if elected – he may end up shocking the pundits and fighting China until his last breath in the name of Taiwan’s independence.

Terry Gou, a straight-talking businessman with a mercurial temper, no political experience, a disdain for the government of his country, and a vast personal fortune at his disposal is running for president. Sound familiar?

Gou and Trump. Image source: Yahoo News
Gou and Trump. Image source: Yahoo News

Just like current US prez Donald Trump – whose successful 2016 run is said to be his inspiration for entering the political fray – Gou is one the wealthiest people in his nation, Taiwan, with his net worth estimated at US$8 billion. Putting aside the issue of where exactly Gou’s loyalties lie (his company, Foxconn, is an integral part of the economic landscape of China, employing over a million workers there, while he himself has met with the upper echelons of the CCP, including Xi Jinping), a more pertinent question is whether or not Taiwan really needs a businessman running the show.

While some voters dissatisfied with the current political situation there – like many who voted for Trump in 2016 – may jump at the chance of electing a businessman to shake up the system, if we’ve learned anything from Trump’s term in office, it’s that electing a headstrong billionaire with no experience will certainly shake things up, but not necessarily in a good way …

So far, the US mogul’s presidency has been characterized by unprecedented chaos and confusion, as Trump “has the record for White House staff turnover, for cabinet turnover and … for the highest turnover within a single department,” according to scholar Kathryn Dunn Tenpas. Pick up a newspaper on any given day, and you’re sure to read about the latest scandal or controversy unfolding in the administration. So while it may sound like a good idea to elect a political outsider to drain ‘the swap’, the reality is much more complex than that. In the case of Trump, at least, it’s seems as though his hardnosed corporate leadership style has not translated all that well into the government realm, resulting in serious instability at the top.

Additionally – if Trump’s actions are in any way indicative – a profit-first (principles-second) CEO-type leader may not always obey the ethical rules and guidelines of an advanced democracy, which exist to keep the various governing powers in balance. To mention only a few examples: Trump’s dubious firing of the Director of the FBI, James Comey, when he wasn’t happy with the direction the Russia investigation against his campaign was taking; his continual lambasting of the press when they produce stories he doesn’t like; and his administration’s blanket refusal to cooperate with the investigations of the Democrat-controlled House of Representatives, whose traditional function is to provide oversight of the executive branch. Basically, the attitude of a hardcore businessman towards to the well-honed machinery of government seems to be, “It’s my way or the highway, bub,” and – regardless of which side of the political spectrum you’re on – that can’t be a good thing for democracy.

Finally, just like Trump, who refused to fully separate himself from his business operations upon assuming the presidency, it’s not clear Gou would completely distance himself from Foxconn if elected. In the words of Taiwan political expert Lev Nachman, “In the same way Trump only marginally divested from his assets when he became president, I would not expect Gou to truly move away from his [company]”. Obviously, this creates a major conflict of interest, as the person in charge may be tempted to put his own good above that of the whole. To take just one example of this from Trump’s presidency, many people wonder if there’s a simple – and disturbing – reason he didn’t take a hard line against the Saudi government after the brutal murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Could it be because, as he’s said in the past, “I get along great with all of [the Saudis]. They buy apartments from me. They spend $40 million, $50 million. Am I supposed to dislike them? I like them very much.”? Essentially, if you have a wealthy tycoon in office, it may be hard for him to remove himself from his business interests, as politics and commerce are often intertwined. As Nachman says, “I would be greatly concerned with Gou’s ability to separate his business from his political endeavors. Given Foxconn’s position within the Chinese economy and Gou’s political ideals, I’m not sure he even can or wants to.”

It’s true that Gou is still an unknown political entity, and – if elected – he may end up shocking the pundits and fighting China until his last breath in the name of Taiwan’s independence. But then again, Trump was an unknown entity in 2016, and although he claimed to be a populist, so far he’s: (1) signed a tax bill that benefits corporations and upper-income earners over others; (2) obsessively attempted to repeal Obamacare, which mainly aids the poor and uninsured; and (3) led an ongoing campaign of deregulation that’s left more US workers vulnerable to exploitation and injury. But maybe that just proves the truth of the old adage that ‘a leopard never changes its spots’?

Gou, like Trump, is known for attacking the press and charging it with disseminating ‘fake news’, as well as having a harsh personal style – one that recently led him to walk out of a public forum when a DPP lawmaker didn’t look at him while he was speaking. He also seems to have a penchant for controversial quotes, as he once stated that “the harem should not meddle in politics” in reference to his wife’s objections to him running for office (the obvious implication being that a president isn’t so much a servant of the people as an emperor), and has dropped the bombshell that “democracy alone does not provide food to eat.” While this latter statement may technically be true, every voter in Taiwan should be asking themselves: ‘But then what exactly is the alternative?’

Author / Peter K. Thompson

Share this:

  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Email
  • More
  • Tumblr
  • Pocket
  • Pinterest
  • LinkedIn

Related

川普 政治 總統大選 郭台銘
2019-05-16 Peter K. Thompson

Post navigation

破解柯文哲的兩岸話術 → ← 民調與初選,鹿死誰手還不一定

Related Posts

蔣介石初來台灣的歷史會重演嗎?

1949 年國民黨撤退來台後,為了處理嚴重通貨膨脹,推行「新台幣四萬換一元」的幣制改革。這項政策雖然在宏觀上穩定了金融秩序,但對許多台灣民眾而言,卻等同於一夜之間財產蒸發。長期累積的儲蓄被清零,經濟地位瞬間下滑,而隨軍來台的軍眷與公務體系反而較容易獲得配給與制度性保障,造成族群間長期的不信任與不平等記憶。這段歷史提醒我們,政權更替往往伴隨巨大且不可逆的社會成本,而承擔代價的,通常不是決策者本人。 另一方面,在中國大陸的歷史中,也有相似但更殘酷的例子。部分向共產黨投降的國民黨軍人,原以為可以換取生存與安定,最終卻被毛澤東派往韓戰前線,成為與美國支持的南韓作戰的「消耗品」。這些人並未因投降而獲得真正的信任或保護,而是在大國博弈中被迅速犧牲。這說明一個現實:在極權體制下,所謂的「統一戰線」或「既往不咎」,往往只具有暫時與工具性的價值。 如果設想有一天台灣因政治交易或內部崩解而被納入中國體制,對台灣人的影響恐怕不只是國旗與政權更換。首先,法治與人權保障將面臨根本性改變。言論自由、司法獨立、財產保障,都可能被重新定義,甚至被視為「不合時宜」。其次,台灣既有的社會菁英、政治人物或協力者,未必能長期保有地位,反而可能在完成過渡任務後被邊緣化甚至清算。歷史反覆證明,極權政權最不信任的,往往正是曾經「倒戈」的人。 對一般台灣民眾而言,最大的風險在於失去選擇權與退路。一旦體制改變,錯誤將難以修正,代價也不再是選舉失利,而是世代性的結構後果。從新台幣改革到韓戰的歷史教訓,都指向同一個結論:政治決策若忽視權力本質與歷史經驗,最終承受風險與犧牲的,永遠是普通人民。 作者:立雪

正面迎戰

台灣軍備與中國新式軍備若進入正面衝突,結果高度可預期:短期內以「高強度、飽和打擊、關鍵節點癱瘓」為主軸,戰場首先不是灘岸決戰,而是資訊、指管通情、空海軍基地與後勤節點的存續。多個公開兵推與研究都指出,開戰初期飛彈與遠程精準火力會大量消耗守方的機場、港口與地面防空資產,迫使防禦轉向分散、機動與韌性維持,並把核心目標從「逐件攔截」改為「維持作戰功能」。 中國是否有辦法用導彈破壞台灣重要基礎建設。能力層面,解放軍的火箭軍、巡弋飛彈與精準打擊鏈條,確實具備對固定且可識別目標造成嚴重破壞的潛在能力;其演練也多次呈現「模擬打擊關鍵基礎設施」的訊號。 但「能破壞」不等於「能達成戰略目的」。基礎設施分為可快速修復與難以修復兩類:電力、通訊、交通樞紐即使被擊中,仍可能透過備援、繞路、快速搶修與分區供應恢復部分功能;相反地,若長期反覆打擊、結合網攻與封鎖,才更可能把社會運作壓到臨界點。RAND 對台灣民防與韌性研究強調,戰時關鍵在於供電、通訊、物流、醫療等體系的「持續運作能力」而非零損。 台灣國防報告也把「韌性、備援、整體防衛」作為重要方向,反映官方已將「被打仍能運作」視為必備假設。 台灣是否武裝以備就可以和共軍打仗。答案是:台灣能打,但「打得贏」取決於戰型與外部變數。若是全面登陸入侵,防衛的可行路徑是以不對稱方式提高解放軍跨海投送成本,把戰局拉長,讓其後勤與政治承受不起。CSIS 兵推多次出現「代價巨大、勝負取決於介入與補給」的結論,顯示台灣單靠傳統對稱軍備很難在火力與產能上長期對拚,但能透過地面防禦、機動火力、海空拒止、分散指管與民防韌性,讓入侵變成不可承受的賭局。 因此,互戰的現實結果更可能呈現三點:第一,初期基礎設施與軍事節點受損顯著,社會成本高;第二,台灣若能維持指管、分散戰力、快速修復與持續補給,就能維持拒止;第三,戰爭走向會被封鎖強度、外援速度、國際制裁與資訊戰效果共同塑形,而不只是單純的飛彈交換。 蔡文邦  

China’s Claims Over Taiwan and the Question of Force

China has consistently asserted that Taiwan is part of its territory and that reunification is inevitable. This position is not new, but in recent years Beijing has repeated it with […]

民進黨退此一步,即無死所 !

對於藍白黨的欺壓,干法亂紀,民進黨退無所退,退此一步,即無死所 ! 民進黨不要再存婦人之仁,「與人為善」,可不要以當年蔣經國金言「打落牙齒和血吞」為念,非到失敗不輕言失敗!—— 你們真的不知道你們還剩下甚麼?眼前的一塊鬆土,再退一步,就是懸崖峭壁! 你們不要希望綠營廣大羣眾會再當你們的「保鑣」、「禁衞軍」、「青鳥」,只要以台灣為名,一呼百應,會再拉你們一把!人若不懂得「自助」,還希求他人幫助?即使心存仁厚,以「自由民主」為至上價值的台灣人民,也會心灰意冷! 你們這幾年來是不是吃的太肥厚了,行動失能,好吃好吃,所以「爭權奪利」,禍起蕭牆,看得出還有「理想」的依存嗎?是不是需要學習習近平主席的「莫忘初衷」,以敵為師,來警告和激勵你們! 台灣人民等著看,只剩下「不副署」、「不公告」唯一的憲政救命繩索,民進黨會不會仍然「該硬不硬」,跟人家搓圓仔湯,與人為善嗎 !容忍比自由重要,君子雖可欺之以直,當「偽君子」又何妨 ? 你們不懂得自己也就罷了,你們可不要不懂得你們的敵人,要繼續「大仁大義」,再說百次千次,總有一次敵人會回心轉意,那就等著萬劫不復的命運 :不要相信民進黨某大人物的妖言「台灣人民不選我(民進黨),選誰?」 世變日急,萬物再迅速變動中,台灣人民可不會再「命定的」跟著你們,他們一定會另找新機。香港的「民主黨」內外交迫,不得不「解散」:殷鑑不遠,雖是老話,民進黨真的有人會放在心上? 民進黨諸位大公貴人,生死存亡之際,記得另個史實:南宋的末日,蒙古騎兵追捕,無步可退 ;忠臣陸秀夫背著、綁住幼主,跳厓自盡,跟著跳厓有數百名南宋官員和宗親:南宋的「幼主」,就等於台灣的「自由民主」!誰會是台灣的「陸秀夫」和數百名忠心耿耿的官員和宗室 ? 作者: 戴震

Recent Posts

蔣介石初來台灣的歷史會重演嗎?

蔣介石初來台灣的歷史會重演嗎?

1949 [...]

More Info
正面迎戰

正面迎戰

台灣軍備與中國新式軍備若進入正面衝突,結果高度可預期:短期內以「高強度、飽和打擊、關鍵節點癱瘓」為主軸,戰場首先不是灘岸決戰,而是資訊、指管通情、空海軍基地與後勤節點的存續。多個公開兵推與研究都指出,開戰初期飛彈與遠程精準火力會大量消耗守方的機場、港口與地面防空資產,迫使防禦轉向分散、機動與韌性維持,並把核心目標從「逐件攔截」改為「維持作戰功能」。 [...]

More Info
China’s Claims Over Taiwan and the Question of Force

China’s Claims Over Taiwan and the Question of Force

China has consistently asserted that Taiwan is part of its territory and that reunification is inevitable. This position is not new, but in recent years Beijing has repeated it with […]

More Info
民進黨退此一步,即無死所 !

民進黨退此一步,即無死所 !

對於藍白黨的欺壓,干法亂紀,民進黨退無所退,退此一步,即無死所 ! 民進黨不要再存婦人之仁,「與人為善」,可不要以當年蔣經國金言「打落牙齒和血吞」為念,非到失敗不輕言失敗!—— 你們真的不知道你們還剩下甚麼?眼前的一塊鬆土,再退一步,就是懸崖峭壁! [...]

More Info

搜尋

精選文章

川習會的中美矛盾是戰略,不是貿易!

2017-04-08 韓非

八仙樂園爆炸案:缺乏常識造成的災難

2015-06-28 異想

彰化縣民輪替後的哀與愁

2016-03-06 許家瑋

新文明病:儲物症(Hoarding disorder)似正在增加

2015-04-13 楊庸一

訂閱本站

輸入你的電子郵件訂閱新文章並接收新通知。

Powered by WordPress | theme Dream Way
Powered by WordPress | theme Dream Way