社會觀察 . 獨立評論 . 多元觀點 . 公共書寫 . 世代翻轉

  • Home
  • English
  • 評論
  • 民意
  • 時事
  • 生活
  • 國際
  • 歷史
  • 世代
  • 轉載
  • 投稿須知

Understanding the Seizure of the Legco in Hong Kong

  • English Article
  • 時事
  • 民意

As every bully knows, if you push your hapless ‘victim’ far enough, they will eventually lash out in an attempt to defend themselves. And in that case, who exactly is to blame?

Couple weeks ago, hundreds of mainly youngish protestors in Hong Kong broke into the Legislative Council (Legco) building – the place where the local government works – and unleashed their fury on it. They smashed glass doors, graffitied the walls with slogans like “anti-fugitive law” (a reference to the legislation that ignited the protests in the first place), “universal suffrage” and “Carrie Lam step down” (Lam is the city’s current Chief Executive). And they tore portraits of past Legco presidents off the wall, broke computers and messed with the building’s electrical wiring. However, they also paid for the drinks they took from the cafeteria, put a note in the library that said “protect antiques, no damages,” and didn’t really hurt anyone in the process. Overall, they caused about HK$60 million in damage and ground government meetings to a halt for the near future.

HongKong protesters stand up for their rights. photo: Vox
HongKong protesters stand up for their rights. photo: Vox

This was big news in Hong Kong, of course – as well as around the world – and the reaction to it was swift and polarizing. Lam, pro-establishment lawmakers, business heads and religious leaders, among others, condemned the violence of the protestors’ actions (with said lawmakers dubbing it “the darkest day of the 176 years of Legco history”), while pro-democracy lawmakers and many young, fed-up citizens, although not necessarily condoning the violence, asked people to try to understand the reasons behind it. Essentially, the event divided Hong Kong society even further over the controversial extradition bill (also known as the fugitive bill, which would have created an extradition arrangement with mainland China for the first time).

I recently went to Hong Kong myself, arriving there a day or so after the Legco break-in occurred, and was greeted by nonstop news coverage of it. TVs in restaurants were showing guys in black shirts, hardhats, goggles and work masks slamming battering rams into the glass door of a building and then running amok inside, before eventually scampering away before the police arrived. It was a startling and unexpected spectacle for me, as I hadn’t read the news in a couple days and had no idea what was going on. But now, as I’ve had some time to digest these events, I’d like to try – like the pro-democracy lawmakers suggested – to understand what happened. Because isn’t a bit presumptuous to judge someone without first attempting to understand them?

The first thing to note is that most Hong Kongers (and all the people I spoke to in person) seem to support the protesters. What they don’t support, however, is the use of violence or the smashing government buildings. And, in fact, the kind of violence associated with the Legco occupation appears to be an aberration in the ongoing protests. I happened to witness one while I was there, and, although it was massive – like a sea of black-shirted people in the streets – it was generally peaceful. Whole families came out, people chanted what sounded like uplifting slogans, it was organized, and the streets were kept clean. It felt positive, somehow, as though all those people had turned up to express their solidarity and feelings about the government in a healthy way, without wishing to harm anyone. And aside from that one protest I attended, life in the city every other day was completely normal, so it wasn’t like the protesters had damaged the fabric of society or anything.

The other thing to keep in mind here is context. If you go back to the Umbrella Movement of 2014, where hundreds of thousands of people came out to demonstrate against the nondemocratic way Hong Kong’s Chief Executive is selected, you’ll see that the government’s response was basically nothing, as it simply ignored the protesters’ gripes. Then, more recently, when about 2 million folks took to the streets on June 12th to show their opposition to the extradition bill, the government again failed to react to protesters’ demands, which currently include the complete withdraw of the suspended fugitive bill, the release of arrested protesters without charge (like what happened during Taiwan’s Sunflower movement), and an independent investigation into the excessive use of force by police. Also, according to some analysts, the lack of universal voting rights in Hong Kong has led to growing resentment among citizens and widespread distrust of the government, and many people have begun feeling hopeless – and helpless – about their future prospects. In fact, there are reports of young people committing suicide over the extradition bill, a shocking and disturbing indication of how important these issues are to them.

So given this all of this, is it fair to flat-out condemn those radicals who attacked the Legco? I mean, if you were trying to tell someone something over and over again, and they wouldn’t listen, what would you do? Maybe you’d try to find another way to get their attention, which is kind of what those protesters did. By taking over one of the most ‘sacred’ and visible spaces in Hong Kong, they put everyone on notice – the Hong Kong government and their puppet masters (the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)), as well as the world at large – that this is extremely serious business for them, and they won’t be going away quietly.

And we also need to acknowledge that violence breeds violence. If you consider the CCP’s actions in recent years regarding its increasingly severe oppression of the Uighurs and Tibetan minorities in China, as well as its general lack of respect for Hong Kong’s autonomy as outlined in the handover treaty signed with the British, you might say that Beijing was one of the more subtly violent governments on Earth. Seen from this perspective, the words of young Hong Kongers somehow ring true, such as those of 18-year-old Sunny Lau Nok-Hing, who thinks the violence of the protesters was “a response towards the legislative violence under this unfair political system.”

As every bully knows, if you push your hapless ‘victim’ far enough, they will eventually lash out in an attempt to defend themselves. And in that case, who exactly is to blame? Is it the bully, who day by day took away his victim’s fundamental rights just because he could, or the victim, who after being mistreated for so long, suddenly decided to stand up for himself and punch the bully in the face?

Author / Peter K. Thompson

Share this:

  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Email
  • More
  • Tumblr
  • Pocket
  • Pinterest
  • LinkedIn

Related

CCP HongKong Legco protest
2019-07-18 Peter K. Thompson

Post navigation

唐三藏的肉 → ← 杜絕台灣政治帶職參選歪風

Related Posts

國會巨獸從「休」掉大法官到恣意搬錢的「立法獨裁」!

  孟德斯鳩曾以為三權分立能透過「野心對抗野心」達成恐怖平衡,但他未料到台灣現況。當國會多數席次結合了無下限、無恥度的政治意志,立法權竟異化為一頭不受控的「利維坦」。這頭巨獸不僅吞噬行政權,更透過技術手段讓司法權「腦死」,藍白兩黨正聯手進行一場「憲政拆除工程」。 首先,2024年10月25日,憲法法庭宣判立法院藍白兩黨強行通過的國會職權修法部分違憲,藍白陣營無所不用其極地要「休」掉大法官。自2024年10月底七位大法官任期屆滿後,立法院便上演了一場精密的「癱瘓劇本」。一方面,2024年8月及今年7月,兩度全數否決賴清德總統提名的七位大法官人選,導致憲法法庭僅剩八位大法官,長期處於缺額狀態;另一方面,立法院強行通過《憲法訴訟法》修正案,將參與評議門檻提高至「十人」,且需「九人」同意才能開會判決,造成「無法釋憲」的憲法法庭。這種「憲政硬球」策略與波蘭、匈牙利威權政府手法如出一轍。只要無法控制法院,便透過修改規則來癱瘓法院。 憲法守門員被架開後,立法院便肆無忌憚地掠奪中央政府的資源。《地方制度法》的修正,無視台北市人口流失的客觀事實,強行刪除人口限制,規定直轄市一律設置三名副市長,外界譏為「李四川條款」。服務對象(人口)減少,官僚體系卻逆向膨脹,實屬反智。 更荒謬的是《財劃法》修法,藍白要求中央釋出財源卻拒負財政紀律責任。即便離島補助公式出現弄錯分母的低級數學錯誤仍死不認錯,甚至訂定「補助不得少於前一年」的霸王條款。這並非重劃財政,而是掏空國庫、癱瘓施政。同時,立法院將「預算審查權」武器化,恣意凍結各部會機關或監察院預算。這種將預算作為政治報復的手段,迫使行政機關低頭乞憐,徹底破壞了「行政執行、立法監督」的界線。 在主權議題上,花蓮富里鄉學田村村長未放棄中國籍被內政部解職一案,國民黨團竟擬修《國籍法》讓中配參政權「脫鉤」國籍規範。公職人員效忠國家是絕對前提,允許未放棄敵對勢力國籍者掌握公權力,無異於在體制內安插「特洛伊木馬」。 最後,藍白陣營甚至圖謀將總統選制改為絕對多數制的「二輪投票,贏不了遊戲就修改規則,正是近兩年來的國會寫照。這隻「立法獨裁」的巨獸,正一磚一瓦地拆毀台灣的憲政民主。 作者:秦靖  

人會被AI浪潮淹沒嗎?

台灣知名言情小說作家席絹日前發表公開信宣布封筆,信中她特別點出當代創作者的焦慮:「當AI變得無所不能時,創作者都在問:『我們還有存在的必要嗎?還有生存的空間嗎?』」。事實上,AI浪潮席捲全球之下,受衝擊的不只是文字創作者,各行各業均面對「無所不能的AI會不會取代人」的課題。         這絕非危言聳聽,不同於傳統的分辨式AI主要用於分析既有數據,近年問世的生成式AI具強大的學習能力和創造性,生成式AI可以學習數據、文本、音樂及各領域知識,並會運用訓練資料來解決問題,例如可以生成文字、影像、音訊等諸種形式的內容,或進行產品設計,當今職場上為數眾多的工作生成式AI都可完成,甚至效率還勝過人。然而,這並不意味著人將會被AI所取代,相反地,人只要活得更像「人」,就能展現AI不具備的獨特價值,以文字創作為例,生成式AI或許可藉由學習大量特定主題文本,從而生成結構工整、詞藻華美的文章,然而卻無法表述價值、情感等抽象概念,因為類此概念欠缺客觀固定的形式,需要仰賴人的獨立判斷與個別感受,這是目前AI無法達到的層次。換言之,在AI時代,能思考、有情感及富創意等「人性特質」的重要性勝過以往。         另外,誠如荀子《勸學篇》所云:「君子生非異也,善假於物也」,意指君子的成就不凡非因天賦異稟,而是善於利用外在資源所致;人們若善用AI,同樣可締造非凡成果。具體的作法是拆解工作流程,檢視可導入AI以提升效率之處,以媒體業為例,從業人員可使用生成式AI來校正錯字及修飾不通順的文句,當這些瑣碎的事務由AI代勞後,從業人員便可花更多時間與心力深入挖掘更具深度、更切合讀者需求的報導題材。         若能做到理解及善用AI,人不僅不會被AI取代,反而能讓AI成為關鍵性的助力,在AI浪潮下站穩浪板,踏浪前行。 作者:王昱培

民眾黨深陷泥沼,抽身不得 !

從鄭麗文、黃國昌相會的記者會,台灣的小公民們大概都明白民眾黨深陷泥沼,舉步維艱,抽身不得! 兩黨黨魁相會,發言敍述,理所當然起始點應該平等。怎麼民眾黨的黃國昌主席一開始就迫不及待,尊奉國民黨鄭麗文為「學姐」,並且把國民黨的位高權重,有深厚影響力的百里候們,致上謙卑的問候,執弟子禮甚恭;外加可列入台大「學伯」、「學兄」的國民黨大咖們,琳琅滿目,也不放過! 看來以其道德無敵而自豪的「黃長城」,一向眼高過頂,有多少人物會放在他的眼眶中,—— 是不是如今形勢比人強,也不得不開始學起「諂諛」來? 他甚至不再爭辯,要求要透過公平的民調,來決定誰應該出來,代表「藍白合」。新主張「聯合政府」:說白了民眾黨只要有個「副首」當,也差強人意,可以歡天喜地了! 只要有個名份,管他是「老大」或「老三」?這就是小草或小蔥君們期待民眾黨嗎 ? 一般台灣人民對民眾黨的觀察:黨沒有中心思想和價值觀,一旦落實到政治策略:沒有戰略,勉強只算是有「戰術」,或者說只有「戰技」,其中以其現任主席武功最高強。台灣人民現在何人不曉得要甚麼樣子,才叫作「咆哮」!要由何人出口,才不會咆哮的「太離譜」! 以往民眾黨的「戰技」,黃主席集其大成,無人可及。可憾新近來了可怕的國民黨的對手鄭麗文主席,人家嘴大吃四方,成口成章,聲音宏量,論顏值、娘娘氣概,可圈可點,何人可比!—— 藍營誰再需要有個黃國昌來衝撞,來定調? 何況黃主席的秘密跟監,偷拍,駭客,集結成槽,販售情報。為了養一大羣狗仔、不入流記者、編輯,所需的金流來源,有違法之嫌,令人側目。北檢因之對其起訴,黃主席深陷泥沼,除了繼續用「司法迫害」的老調,厲聲要北檢「放馬過來!」還有甚麼對策? 黃主席陷入泥沼,民眾黨跟著陷,越陷越深,伊於胡底?你我小公民們就耐心等著瞧 !—— 等著瞧的還有民衆黨的教主、精神領袖。看來民眾黨信條中的「公開」、「公正」、「透明」、「廉潔」,已被爛用殆盡了,看來只有靠唯一倖存的「科學」來解救。這也為甚麼柯P教主,會目不轉睛的看著「AI 對未來社會、產業的衝擊」的電腦影幕上,沈思默想 ! 柯P教主似乎要全黨有識之士了解:黃國昌自封的「道德長城」( Long Wall )那一套已經過時了。現在要注意的是 Nvidia 的 「Blackwell」的等AI 產品對社會、產業、和你我就業的的衝擊:柯P要人知道,政治領袖中只有民眾黨的柯教主願意學習去了解,願為天下之先。黃國昌智有所短,哪能明白「世變之機」?小草、小蔥忘了「長城」吧! 明年二月初,是民眾黨需要「重新開機」,也是「清黨」之時,不能再跳「八家將」的三星步曲,再跳下去,民眾黨泥沼越陷越深,抽身不得,接之會是「沒頂」! 作者: 戴震

韓國瑜的投降藥方!

當中共的司法利刃公然架在台灣民選國會議員的頸上,國會議長韓國瑜卻開出了一紙顛倒因果、引狼入室的荒謬藥方。他將賴清德總統呼籲團結禦侮的請求,扭曲為「自己生病,要別人吃藥」的無理取鬧。這套話術不僅是對國家主權受侵犯的冷漠,更是將侵略者的罪行轉嫁為受害者的原罪。在國難當頭之際,遞給國人一劑名為「自我檢討」的毒藥,其最終療效,唯有「加速投降」。 韓院長的診斷書將病因歸咎於賴總統打斷了「保護中華民國、保護民主自由、維護兩岸關係」三隻腳,此乃徹頭徹尾的本末倒置。真正的「病源體」是北京那個毫不掩飾其吞併野心、公然踐踏國際法的威權政體,中共將沈伯洋立委的研究與言論上綱為全球通緝的罪行,更是撼動區域穩定的惡性腫瘤。 韓院長膽怯指出病毒來源,竟指責身體的免疫系統(國家元首)反應過當,其「斷腳」說法更是對現實的嚴重扭曲。捍衛「中華民國與中華人民共和國互不隸屬」的現狀,恰恰是「保護中華民國」主權的具體實踐;國內的罷免攻防,是民主體制內的顛簸,與中共跨海的威權鎮壓,有著天壤之別,將兩者混為一談,是惡意貶低民主價值;將一個用飛彈對準台灣、威脅台灣民代的政權定義為「敵對勢力」,這那裡是挑釁,而是最起碼的清醒與務實。韓院長這套看似憂國憂民的「四腳理論」,經不起任何現實的檢驗,唯一的功用就是為面對侵略時的軟弱與退縮,尋找一個冠冕堂皇的藉口。 這帖藥方背後隱含的終極邏輯就是為了息事寧人,台灣必須進行一場徹底的「自我截肢」。韓院長呼籲廢除台獨黨綱、撤回敵對勢力定義、重回北京詮釋下的「九二共識」,這不是在「恢復斷腳」,而是在要求台灣卸下所有防衛心靈與主權的盔甲,赤身裸體地迎向虎狼。 今天,沈伯洋立委是第一個祭品,若我們吞下這帖藥;明天,任何一位批判中共的學者、任何一位不願屈服的商人,甚至任何一位在網路上捍衛台灣的公民,都將成為下一個被要求「自我了斷」以換取虛假和平的犧牲品。 韓國瑜院長拒絕服下「團結對外」這劑良藥,反倒要求國家元首飲下「屈辱退讓」這杯鴆酒,除了突顯其腦袋空空的「草包」現實之外,更是背叛國會議長的職責,出賣台灣民主自由的生活方式。面對威權的瘟疫,唯一的解藥是團結與勇氣,而非自我麻痺的投降主義。 作者:秦靖

Recent Posts

國會巨獸從「休」掉大法官到恣意搬錢的「立法獨裁」!

國會巨獸從「休」掉大法官到恣意搬錢的「立法獨裁」!

  孟德斯鳩曾以為三權分立能透過「野心對抗野心」達成恐怖平衡,但他未料到台灣現況。當國會多數席次結合了無下限、無恥度的政治意志,立法權竟異化為一頭不受控的「利維坦」。這頭巨獸不僅吞噬行政權,更透過技術手段讓司法權「腦死」,藍白兩黨正聯手進行一場「憲政拆除工程」。 [...]

More Info
人會被AI浪潮淹沒嗎?

人會被AI浪潮淹沒嗎?

台灣知名言情小說作家席絹日前發表公開信宣布封筆,信中她特別點出當代創作者的焦慮:「當AI變得無所不能時,創作者都在問:『我們還有存在的必要嗎?還有生存的空間嗎?』」。事實上,AI浪潮席捲全球之下,受衝擊的不只是文字創作者,各行各業均面對「無所不能的AI會不會取代人」的課題。         [...]

More Info
民眾黨深陷泥沼,抽身不得 !

民眾黨深陷泥沼,抽身不得 !

從鄭麗文、黃國昌相會的記者會,台灣的小公民們大概都明白民眾黨深陷泥沼,舉步維艱,抽身不得! 兩黨黨魁相會,發言敍述,理所當然起始點應該平等。怎麼民眾黨的黃國昌主席一開始就迫不及待,尊奉國民黨鄭麗文為「學姐」,並且把國民黨的位高權重,有深厚影響力的百里候們,致上謙卑的問候,執弟子禮甚恭;外加可列入台大「學伯」、「學兄」的國民黨大咖們,琳琅滿目,也不放過! [...]

More Info
韓國瑜的投降藥方!

韓國瑜的投降藥方!

當中共的司法利刃公然架在台灣民選國會議員的頸上,國會議長韓國瑜卻開出了一紙顛倒因果、引狼入室的荒謬藥方。他將賴清德總統呼籲團結禦侮的請求,扭曲為「自己生病,要別人吃藥」的無理取鬧。這套話術不僅是對國家主權受侵犯的冷漠,更是將侵略者的罪行轉嫁為受害者的原罪。在國難當頭之際,遞給國人一劑名為「自我檢討」的毒藥,其最終療效,唯有「加速投降」。 [...]

More Info

搜尋

精選文章

川習會的中美矛盾是戰略,不是貿易!

2017-04-08 韓非

八仙樂園爆炸案:缺乏常識造成的災難

2015-06-28 異想

彰化縣民輪替後的哀與愁

2016-03-06 許家瑋

新文明病:儲物症(Hoarding disorder)似正在增加

2015-04-13 楊庸一

訂閱本站

輸入你的電子郵件訂閱新文章並接收新通知。

Powered by WordPress | theme Dream Way
Powered by WordPress | theme Dream Way